By now it should be patently obvious to anyone who retains even a modicum of fairness in this highly charged, highly-partisan political environment in which we find ourselves these days that special counsel Robert Mueller isn’t interested in finding “Trump-Russia collusion.”
After nearly a year’s worth of investigating — a probe that followed a counterterrorism operation launched in the summer of 2016 against the Trump campaign by the Obama administration and at least three congressional investigations — Mueller hasn’t found any evidence of collusion.
In fact, the House Intelligence Committee has come up with a report from majority Republicans that the panel has not found one shred of evidence indicating collusion or any other illegal campaign activities involving Russia or any foreign government. The Democrats on the panel claim there is proof but they haven’t produced any (and they would have by now).
So what is Mueller actually investigating at the moment? Why does he keep indicting minor campaign figures and one former Trump administration official (Michael Flynn) for process crimes and other alleged illegal activities from more than 10 years ago?
How broad was the mandate, exactly, that Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein gave Mueller and his team when he named the former FBI director to be special counsel — on a set-up initiated by another former FBI director, James Comey?
We don’t yet have answers to these questions, but one thing we do know is this: Mueller, who is hailed and feted by the D.C. Swamp to be a man of indisputable integrity, instead has a history of being little more than a dirty cop. (Related: ‘Golden Boy’ Robert Mueller’s forgotten surveillance crime spree.)
This story begins years ago when Mueller was first an assistant U.S. attorney then as the acting U.S. attorney in Boston.
Throughout the 1980s, Mueller wrote letters to the state’s parole and pardons board opposing clemency for four men — Peter Limone, Henry Tameleo, Joe Salvati, and Louis Greco, who were convicted for a 1965 mob-related murder.
But it turns out they were innocent. And it turns out that Mueller knew they were innocent.
Some rogue FBI agents, John Connolly and John Morris, both of whom were “handlers” for mob figure-turned-FBI informant Whitey Bulger, attempted to intimidate a local parole board member, Mike Albano — who later became mayor of Springfield, Mass. — into dropping his sympathy for the four men and any inkling of voting to grant them clemency.
“They told me that if I wanted to stay in public life, I shouldn’t vote to release a guy like Limone,’’ Albano said. “They intimidated me.’’
Both agents, of course, would have had to have been answerable to the U.S. attorney in Boston at the time, which was, as previously stated, Bob Mueller.
There’s more. After Albano became mayor in 1995 he found that the FBI had begun investigating his administration for ‘corruption.’ After taking down several people associated with his government, he became convinced that “the FBI wasn’t interested in public integrity as much as in publicly humiliating him because he dared to defy them,” the Boston Globe’s Kevin Cullen writes.
Former Sen. Ted Stevens, R-Alaska, was, at the time, the longest-serving GOP senator who had an impeccable reputation among those who knew him. But shortly before the 2008 election he was indicted by the FBI — led at the time by Director Robert Mueller — based on falsified records and testimony from some very well rewarded “cooperating” witnesses.
In short order, it was reported that the government had concealed exculpatory evidence from Stevens’ defense team. As such, an independent investigation was ordered by U.S. District Judge Emmet G. Sullivan, which discovered that the prosecution was “permeated by the systemic concealment of significant exculpatory evidence, which would have independently corroborated Senator Stevens’ defense and his testimony, and seriously damaged the testimony and credibility of the government’s key witness.”
A just-released report by U.S. Rep. Louis Gohmert, R-Texas, titled, “Robert Mueller: Unmasked,” recounted the injustice.
The ‘stink’ was that Stevens, whom retired Army general and Secretary of State Colin Powell described as “a trusted individual” whom people “could rely on,” did not pay full price for improvements to his Alaskan cabin. The charges were leveled 100 days out from a closely contested election; he was convicted just eight days before voters went to the polls, which tipped the scale to his Democratic opponent.
But in fact, as reports noted at the time, Gohmert’s report states, Stevens actually overpaid for those improvements by about 20 percent. Nevertheless, after relying on false records and that ‘rewarded’ witness, the prosecution convinced jurors to find him guilty.
States Gohmert’s report:
After a report substantiated massive improprieties by the FBI and DOJ in the investigation and prosecution of Senator Stevens, the result was ultimately a complete dismissal of the conviction.
At the time there was no direct evidence that Director Mueller was aware of the tactics of concealing exculpatory evidence that would have exonerated Stevens, and the creation of evidence that convicted him in 2008.
However, Mueller is culpable because, as director, he allowed the FBI agent who essentially manufactured the case against Stevens to remain on board (to this day), while allowing an agent who blew the whistle on the corrupt case to be punished.
“Obviously, the FBI Director wanted his FBI agents to understand that honesty would be punished if it revealed wrongdoing within Mueller’s organization,” said Gohmert’s report.
In March, Gohmert told a monthly meeting of conservatives that he believes Mueller’s never-ending ‘Russian collusion’ investigation is designed, in part, to cover up a real scandal: Uranium One.
“I think Mueller should be fired,” Gohmert, a former state judge, said during the monthly “Conversation with Conservatives” meeting. “He should never have been appointed and he should never have accepted. He should be fired.”
To that end, as The National Sentinel reported in January, Mueller’s FBI had been investigating a scheme since 2008 that involved bribery, kickbacks, and money laundering with a Russian nuclear industry official, Vadim Mikerin, who was acting in order to secure a business advantage with TENEX, a subsidiary of Russian state-owned nuclear firm Rosatom, which bought Uranium One.
Now-fired FBI Deputy Director Andrew McCabe had been assigned to oversee the ongoing investigation, which was never revealed to the Committee on Foreign Investments in the United States — the body that approves sales of U.S. firms with possible strategic implications to foreign companies. Had the committee known, it would have never approved the Uranium One sale.
Eventually, four individuals were prosecuted but then given a plea bargain after the Uranium One sale was approved; the prosecuting Justice Department attorneys were current Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein and Andrew Weissman, a Democrat supporter now on Mueller’s special counsel team.
Additional reporting noted that the Obama DoJ never called the deal’s secret informant, William D. Campbell, when it was time to charge former Russian uranium industry official Mikerinn.
“I’ve never heard of such a case unless the victim is dead. I’ve never heard of prosecutors making a major case and not talking to the victim before you made it, especially when he was available to them through the FBI,” Alan Dershowitz told The Hill.
There’s much more to report regarding Mueller’s Deep State corruption. Stay tuned.
Read more about Robert Mueller at RobertMueller.news.
J.D. Heyes is editor of The National Sentinel and a senior writer for Natural News and News Target.